The Netherlands is going to throw itself into a sewer that will break them up and can stink properly, they are going to take a closer look at “” the misdeeds “” of the soldiers they were sending out. They themselves were not going to do it for that, they are too cowardly, and let it be done by lawyers who are looking to score but the government is funding the Investigators who need 4 years to bring these facts to light and they do not shy away from using the names of Officers who lead these executions, but the main names of the principals are unfortunately no longer traceable … how faithful is this. They know exactly how many people were executed and who did it, how much it will cost they see and it will be a lot believe me. Isn’t it wise that money to pay out to the persons entitled to their backpay salary that they have been deprived of during their 3 years imprisonment than to waste on this nonsensical research from which only a few benefit from that money and maybe the smart Indonesian who comes to think? Okay, you see me as a victim, then I also behave like a victim. In an interview with a journalist from the Eindhovens Dagblad, they said clarifying; “That the blame is not on the Veteran, but higher on it. Instead of treating the Veterans of their trauma, the Dutch Government dropped them with a machine gun into the great unknown jungle full of dangers with the message” Success Boys “” it is not surprising that it could have gotten so out of hand. The Veteran deserve more understanding and respect. The Indonesians are not at all concerned with ‘Victims’ “those who fell in battle at that time were Heroes of the Revolution and they honor them as the people who gave the Indonesian freedom with their lives and blood and that are the Heroes for them. Furthermore, the stocking is finished for them. In the USA, Veterans are thanked for their services simply by the citizen and even a meal is deducted because of this, they are just simple things but an Appreciation for the Veteran. Here in the Netherlands the Veterans are hanged on the gallows by half soles, financed by a bunch of party leaders who go on holiday during the formation of the Government ….. what respect do they have for the voters and the best thing is that during this country without government is that this Country is fine …. The Netherlands still has a lot to learn.
The Dutch Government clung to their evil conscience and are now trying to portray holiness without realizing that they are spoiling the last years of the Veteran, who gave their lives for the overseas colony.
The Netherlands should learn a lesson from the Indonesian instead of constantly pleading guilt at the expense of their own people who are kicked in the bloody corners by the government debt and by people who, in the freedom for which the Veterans have fought, do not have anything to do with that. have been able to do to evaluate a dirty war behind their desk. And for the Veteran … this: You have done your job in all difficult circumstances ….. Walked in the mud and lost your wonderful youth to favor of the government that does not have the word “Thank you” in their dictionary …. and despite the world is wages …..The Veteran feels just like the Marine who has been commissioned to bring the Punt to a successful conclusion …. TRUE. !!!
THIS STORY IS SPECIALLY WRITTEN FOR THOSE WHO HAVE NO CLUE WHAT BERSIAP STANDS FOR. LET THEY KNOW WHAT THE BERSIAP IS.
How long it takes, with regards to the Indische Kwestie, justice will ultimately prevail. Never forget that those who come from Asia have endless patience. But there will come a time when patience no longer exists!
Many still, especially among the Dutch, do not know what the term Bersiap means and how decisive it has been for the further life in that distant Netherlands that was called the “fatherland” but was not ……..
No explanation needed to those who have experienced this period, but for the 3rd generation and subsequent generations. Those who do it politely did not or hardly spoke about it for all sorts of reasons. But if only they had.
WHAT’S THAT, THAT BERSIAP…
Oh sure, this is not a pleasant article and maybe a little long. But it must be heard. Many people that they do not really know what the Bersiap is that Indos and Moluccans keep talking about.
For many, this period was heavier and worse than the often mentioned Japanese occupation with all its atrocities.
With this article you’ll be shown what that Bersiap time really meant. Of course if you have experienced this then you know what you are writing about, but for the younger generation and many others this can be enlightening.
The great violence did not start immediately after the Japanese capitulation on August 15, 1945 and the declaration of Indonesia’s independence two days later. Almost all eyewitnesses say that the wave of intimidation and murder really started in October.
In the course of the Japanese occupation, some 100,000 Dutch civilians were locked up in internment camps. In addition, 42,000 Dutch soldiers were prisoners of war, many of whom were employed in various places in The Dutch East Indies and other parts of Asia.
When news arrived in the prison camps that Japan had capitulated, many ventured outside the enclosure. There was little sign of animosity. Indo-Dutch citizens who had not been interned also noticed that they could walk quietly on the street. For a moment it seemed as if pre-war life might return.
Appearances are deceptive That’s what A.F.R. Ruyter de Wildt, who had been chief of a sugar factory in East Java before the war and was interned in a men’s camp in Tjimahi, near Bandung on West Java during the Japanese occupation. He noted in his diary that he did not learn of the Japanese surrender until August 22. He soon went out into the street, where everything was fairly quiet and there were even few red and white flags to be seen. Europeans were allowed to roam freely and were treated courteously in the markets.
From the end of September, things really seemed to change. Yet it was soon reported that Europeans were being molested and even murdered. The Allied commander for Southeast Asia, Louis Mountbatten, then ordered the Europeans to remain in the camps and not to go out on the streets. That helped, although many ignored the advice. But for the vast majority of Europeans, especially the Indo-Dutch, who had not been in a camp, this was not the case. They were therefore most at risk of being attacked by Indonesian gangs.
Excited young people At the time, the Dutch mainly blamed the Japanese propaganda, which had incited the Indonesian youth against the Dutch. The fighters themselves often called themselves pemuda, young people, but they were not all that young. Most of them came from the lower classes and from the poorer city districts or villages. Because of their hopeless situation, they called for change and were the most susceptible to radicalization.
Almost everywhere the violence only really started when the first British troops and a handful of Dutchmen came ashore on Java. From the end of September, things really seemed to change. This is also the case in Bandoeng. You saw Indonesian banners calling on the Dutch to stay away. More and more Indonesians appeared on the street armed with knives, sticks and bamboo spears. Many of these boys came from the poor city areas, where they were easy to mobilize. Who were the perpetrators of violence? In a diary of the uncle of the writer of this article, Mr Han Dehne, he depicts how ‘many people armed with knives, spears and daggers showed up from the dessa corridors’, and he added:’ This scum certainly thought there was going to be a fight, they wanted to join a possible pillage. ”He, like so many Dutch people with him, apparently did not think it possible that the Indonesians would be politically inspired. Who were behind the name “extremists”? There is a lot of fog surrounding the extreme violence of the Bersiap era. Where did that come from now? Who were the culprits? Who was behind the name “extremists” that the British and Dutch attached to the perpetrators of violence? Were they criminals, agitated youth, opportunistic sadists, religious fanatics? And what was their motive? Every war, of course, has its pathological killers, but the frequency of the killings makes it difficult to blame a small group of sadists or criminals.
The sense of crisis must have prompted many young people to join fighting groups As a result, they were also a grateful object for local leaders who recruited their followers precisely in the city campongs. The ability to take matters into your own hands, especially after the miserable Japanese occupation, left many young people in a state of excitement. In this sense, the spirit of the revolution was also one of unprecedented freedom and possibilities, as a personal perfection.
In the first months after the declaration of independence, a jumble of battle groups with their own leaders and their own agendas arose in many places. There was not yet a regular Indonesian army and the republican government was unable to assert strong authority. The sense of crisis and political urgency must have prompted many young people to join the fighting groups, as did the prospect of looting.
Hinge point in Indonesia Most of the violence, apart from the struggle between more regular republican and British and Dutch forces, was committed by radical nationalists, Islamic fighting groups such as the Hizbullah and Sabillilah, and groups with more criminal backgrounds. They had in common that they were difficult to bring under the control of the fledgling army of the Indonesian Republic and often made their own plans. This meant that the spectator could hardly distinguish political fighter and criminal – and in many cases there was no difference either.
The arrival of the allied armies gave the feeling that one had to hurry While criminal and opportunistic motives played a role, much of the violence was at least politically motivated. Indonesians became very aware of the pivot point on which the country found itself. The government of the new republic began to manifest itself more and more, and revolutionary leaders also called on the people to join the revolution. The arrival of the allied armies gave the Indonesian revolutionaries the feeling that they had to make haste if the old colonizers were not to gain the upper hand again. The increasing clashes with Japanese troops, who had to guard order after the capitulation, and with British soldiers stimulated the pemuda to radical action. In many places Indonesian groups attacked Japanese weapons depots, with varying degrees of success. Violence against civilians increased rapidly, as the threat of colonial re-occupation turned all Dutch into an enemy.
Indonesia for the Indonesians On October 7 or 8, 1945, republicans in Java called for a boycott of European shops. Revolutionaries erected barricades and searched their homes. Europeans were stopped in the street and searched to their horror by armed Indonesian boys. Han’s uncle writes in his diary that he “had to put up with the shameful thing of being searched by a gang of bastards.”
The political struggle took on a strong ethnic dimension In many cities, groups of pemuda lined the streets, scaring the residents with shouting and night-time noise. More and more houses were smashed (looted). Residents were chased into the woods, where they often fell victim to other gangs. Pamphlets were also published calling on the population to exterminate the Indo-Europeans.
The political struggle thus acquired a strong ethnic dimension, in which “Indonesia for the Indonesians” led to hatred for the uniqueness. In Surabaya this change became perhaps most dramatically evident when an improvised tribunal against the massively arrested Dutch degenerated into a torture and murder spree under the cry “Death to the whites”. Several dozen Dutch people were murdered in the process; several hundred were injured.
Republican approach The Dutch outside the camps – mostly Indo-Dutch – did not stand by themselves and organized their own fighting groups to defend their homes and families and to repay the murders. Moluccans were also active in these groups, because they were often the target of the massacres. Before the war, Moluccans had often been soldiers in the Indo Dutch army (KNIL) and were good fighters. The internment meant a period of new misery for many.
The Dutch militias mainly operated in Batavia. They too were guilty of excessive violence. They often allowed themselves to be guided by revenge, in which the murder of a European or Moluccan was retaliated in many ways. In this way the violence escalated, but the Dutch-Moluccan militias were able to offer some neighborhoods some protection.
The Indonesian leaders ordered on October 12, 1945 to intern the Dutch men in republican territory; later women and children followed. It is plausible that the arrests were intended to protect them from further harm, but no doubt also to prevent the Dutch from taking up arms themselves – as happened here and there. The internment meant a period of new misery for many, but it also saved them from further terror. Han’s wife Mary with her mother and sister were subsequently imprisoned in the camps Sinkokan and Kletjo.
Crimes committed by the BKR (part of the Indonesian army). Ironically, in the months that followed, it was precisely the Dutch outside republican territory who were most at risk. The violence sometimes took horrific proportions. For example, one day in December 1945, three members of the Badan Keamanan Rakjat (People’s Security Body, the republican army) took two presumably Indo-European women off the train in a station in a suburb of Batavia and took them to the local office of the BKR, which was housed in a former agricultural office.
The violence sometimes took horrific proportions After a brief interrogation, the leader of the BKR called his men and local residents together. The women were stripped and raped by a series of men, dragged out and subjected to public torture with red-hot iron bars and long beating. Eventually their necks were cut. The bodies were thrown into a well in the yard.
The term Bersiap But we have also come to know these rituals in recent outbreaks of ethnic violence, and we can explain them better from the political situation and nature of the fighting groups than from something elusive like culture. Although ethnic violence also occurred in pre-war India, it was very different from the explosion of the late 1940s. In that period of agitation and impunity, violence could flourish like never before.
Such ritual slaughter baffled the authorities and created great fear among the European population. That was the intention, of course, but there was another motive: the need for humiliation and dehumanization of opponents. Where it came from can only be guessed. It has been argued that Indonesia had a rampok culture, or that there were “reservoirs” of violence that were activated during the revolution, or that retaliation is inherent in Indonesian legal culture.
‘Bersiap’ was established in Dutch circles to indicate the period from the end of 1945 The term “Bersiap” has hardly become common in Dutch circles to indicate the period of chaos, murder and uncertainty at the end of 1945. This period lasted until early 1946, when the joint British and Dutch forces managed to stabilize the situation in the cities where most Europeans took refuge. In the big cities, the Bersiap was largely over, but the violence continued elsewhere.
The Dutch and Indo-Dutch were by no means the only victims of the violence of Indonesian gangs. In many places, other people became the target of extortion, assault, robbery, and murder. These were groups and persons who were associated with the Dutch or who were not regarded as right-minded Indonesians, such as the Moluccans. In many places colonial administration officials were murdered, as well as outsiders who had amassed some wealth.
Violence against Chinese A vulnerable group was that of the Chinese, who had emerged in colonial times as shopkeepers, entrepreneurs and moneylenders. For the revolutionary fighters, or whoever wanted to pass for it, the Chinese were easy prey. In addition, they were often recognizable by their name and appearance. Several thousand Chinese were murdered during the revolutionary years and dozens of houses looted and destroyed. Several thousand Chinese have been murdered in the course of the revolutionary years.
Most violence occurred in the twilight zone where the Indonesian Republic could not exercise its authority and the Dutch authorities could not maintain order. This became clear, for example, during the political actions in July 1947 and December 1948, when the Dutch launched large-scale offensives on Java and Sumatra.
The republican armies knew they would be defeated and withdrew from the front lines. They gave space for destruction troops and irregular troops. In many places they caused true terror. Not only factories and public buildings were destroyed, but Chinese shops and houses were also looted and the inhabitants deported. Sometimes the Chinese were dragged from village to village for days on end, and in some cases collectively killed.
Republican government disapproval In Madjalengka, not far from Cheribon on Java’s north coast, nearly two hundred Chinese were deported during the first political action in July 1947 and executed after two weeks of lugging in the woods. The forces responsible for the arson, kidnapping and murder were a mixed entity. Eyewitnesses often saw that soldiers and officers of the Indonesian army participated. Village chiefs were also sometimes involved in the raids. In Madjalengka’s case, a special unit had come from near Batavia to carry out the execution.
The army command went to great lengths to bring local gangs into line The republican government, based in Djocjakarta, has always disapproved of violence. The Indonesian leaders were a thorn in the side of the terror carried out by local groups – sometimes with the help of military personnel. The army leadership went to great lengths to bring local gangs into line, but many groups continued to evade central authority. On the other hand, the Republic could also make use of these gangs for guerrilla warfare against the Dutch in occupied areas and for destruction assignments.
It is impossible to say how many victims in the Bersiap during the first months after the declaration of independence and the subsequent years of the revolution. The most conservative estimate is 3,500 civilian deaths, but it may as well have been a multiple.
The end of the Bersiap While the beginning of the Bersiap is quite easy to identify, the end is impossible to determine. The spirit of violence that escaped in the closing months of 1945 was difficult to contain. The violence that began in October 1945 proved unstoppable and continued after the transfer of sovereignty. Many Europeans, Chinese and others were murdered in the following years. Well into the 1950s, local gangs continued to target Europeans, collaborators and the wealthy. Local gangs remained active well into the 1950s The long and painstaking liberation of Indonesia has been much debated, but the tradition of violence established in the revolutionary years is one of the most unfortunate and disastrous legacies of decolonization.
The Dutch government has consistently never used the word war during the Indonesians’ struggle for independence, which had the character of a war. Everything went under the guise of the term “political action”. That is still the case today. One of the consequences of this is that no one can call himself a victim of war but can only be a victim of violence as a result of the entrenched maxim that this violence was necessary to restore order and the law. Using this terminology is a crime in itself.
Special thanks to Mr Han Dehne for educating all of us every day about our Indo History.
A BLOODY SHAME ……….. STAY WHERE YOU ARE. THE NETHERLANDS ARE FULL!
The message of the Dutch Government: If you are considering coming to the Netherlands, it is better not to come! You as Indo Dutch will and can never make it in the Netherlands. Most of you don’t have that persistence. These new Dutchmen never learned and were not used to rolling up their sleeves. There are also no real livelihood possibilities for them in the Netherlands.
The above vision indicates how the government then thought about the Indo-Dutch people who when they were still in the former Dutch East Indies. Legally they were just Dutch, but not welcome in the Netherlands. The government has actually tried and attempted to implement the above.
Among other things, by refusing or delaying a government advance for the crossing of returnees. Quotas for issuing visas for regret-opters have also been hugely delayed. An involved minister, who was partly responsible for the Overseas Kingdom Sections and who was known to have little knowledge of Indo Dutch affairs, proclaimed that it was more sensible for the Indo Dutch to choose Indonesian citizenship.
Moreover, he saw problems with the adaptation of the Indos within the labor market in the Netherlands, because they cannot cope with the Dutch work rate anyway. The government maintained its position that the Indo Dutch should remain in Indonesia. Prime Minister Drees took the position that the Indo Dutch were not eligible for a government advance on travel expenses.
However, the same Dutch government could not stop the Indo Dutch, who sold all their possessions and thus could pay for their trip themselves. They were also Dutch. However, these people, too, to counteract them. Upon arrival in the Netherlands, these people received a lower level care arrangement. In addition to the deteriorated conditions for the Indo Dutch, the relationship between Indonesia and the Netherlands did not improve either.
In the Netherlands people began to realize that the situation in Indonesia was such that they were obliged to help the Indo Dutch. The relaxation of the policy was not supported by the entire cabinet. Especially Messrs Suurhof and Drees have opposed this.
After all kinds of restrictions had been lifted, every Dutch person in Indonesia could claim financial assistance if they wished to go to the Netherlands. ”This form of assistance was based on an advance payment system in which those involved were expected to pay (part of) after their arrival in the Netherlands. ) would pay back these costs. From 1960 onwards people traveled more and more by air until in 1964 all migrations by boat were completely replaced by migration by air. “
Soon after arrival in the Netherlands, and sometimes halfway through the boat trip to Europe, clothing and footwear was provided with which one was better protected against the colder climate. Only in the periods of accelerated repatriation – around 1950 and 1958 – and when people came by plane, were the Red Cross called in to distribute blankets to the arrived migrants who did not yet have access to warmer clothing.
This distribution of clothing on arrival was free of charge, except in cases where migrants had wealth or sufficient savings. Regular income was not taken into account. So almost everyone had a one-time right to warmer clothing for a period of one year. If the clothing was not delivered on board, warmer clothing could be purchased after arrival at a number of shops designated by the government – at a later stage in the central reception centers in Zutphen and Bennekom.
However, this was done on the basis of a modest budget and the new equipment did not have to be too choosy. When they arrived in the Netherlands, if they did not (yet) have their own accommodation, they were generally divided among the contract pensions available since 1950, pending definitive accommodation.
Before 1950, shelters also existed, but they were used solely for the purpose of passive shelter. In particular, many evacuees and people on recovery leave in the Netherlands made use of this shelter. In the contract boarding houses, the boarding houses undertook to provide the persons placed in boarding houses by the government with shelter, food and full care for a certain period of time. The government undertakes to pay a certain amount per person to the pensioners for this complete care.
From survey data that accompanying civil servants (so-called board civil servants) collected on the ships on their way to the Netherlands, the government was able to determine, among other things, how great the need for housing in contract guesthouses would be.
In April 1951 a number of 632 contract guesthouses were registered with 17,234 guests. This was the highest number of contract guesthouses and number of residents achieved during the more than twenty-year migration period. From 1950 to 1969, a total of 134,000 people stayed in contract guesthouses for shorter or longer periods. ” Residents of contract pensions paid 60% of their net family income (excluding acquisition costs) as a contribution to the costs of housing and food. If no or very little income was earned, a modest pocket money could be paid out in the contract pension, which was not later recovered.
Returnees living in contract boarding houses were required to pay 60 percent of the net household income as a contribution to housing and food costs. Upon arrival, they signed a power of attorney authorizing agencies from which they received income to transfer the funds to the ministry, which withheld 60 percent of the income as ‘due contribution’ and passed on 40 percent to the beneficiary. All family members had to contribute to these costs, with the exception of school-age children who earned extra during the holidays.
Those who had little or no income were paid pocket money during their stay in the guesthouse. This pocket money did not have to be repaid – unlike the advance payments for the trip and clothing, which did have to be repaid.
Because most people had no more than some light summer clothes with them, the government initially provided clothing. “We were immediately taken to a large shed of the red cross. There were mountains of used clothing on the ground. We just had to pull out what we thought we could use. We always had to take clothes for the children too big: they had to be “growing”.
Later, people received clothing advances that allowed them to buy their own clothes in special stores. This advance also had to be repaid in full later What many people are unaware of and what often baffles most is the fact that the returnees had to pay for everything themselves. They received their weekly pocket money from the liaison officer, but what was not mentioned is that 60% of each salary was withheld for room and board. The clothing and furniture advances (if one had been allocated a house) also had to be repaid to the last cent. Many first-generation Indo Dutch had to hand over a fixed amount every month until their death. SHAME ON U KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS…
As always thank u Han for ur contribution writing stories like these.
From the hand of Mr Han Dehne. LET THE HISTORICAL FACTS SPEAK FOR THEMSELVES.
Last year, King Willem Alexander of the Netherlands apologized to Indonesia for the excessive violence that Dutch soldiers were guilty of in the years after the Japanese occupation. It is a first step in the right direction, but no more than that. This was experienced by many – in the Netherlands – as a stab in the back. In addition, it was indicated through Indonesian President Jokowi that these apologies were not necessary.
The king forgot to mention in his speech that in 1949 the Netherlands passed on the backpay debt to its own military and civil servants to Indonesia over 3.5 years of Japanese occupation. Supposedly: no debt transfer has ever taken place. The Republic of Indonesia has been deviously used as a lightning rod for a capital debt obligation in this regard.
In 1966 it was agreed that the Indonesian government would pay 686 million guilders to compensate the families who fled from Indonesia and from Dutch New Guinea between 1958 and 1962 for the loss of their belongings. However, the State took the lion’s share of these reparations: only a fraction of the money was legally earmarked for the victims themselves.
Likewise, what President Jokowi may not know is what happened during the negotiations over the disbursement of the amount Thailand paid to take over the Burma-Thailand Railway built by allied and indigenous forced laborers. The compensation of more than 1.2 million guilders for looted railway equipment from Java had to be paid to the Indonesian government in 1952 because it is the legal successor of the colony. The money was not transferred to ‘Jakarta’, but to the Dutch government. After which there is no trace of a transaction to Indonesia.
And so there are more open files that concern Indonesia, including the money that Indonesian, Moluccan and Chinese victims of forced prostitution earned but never got paid because the money was deposited with the two Japanese war banks to finance the war machine. And after the war was confiscated by order of the Dutch government without the young women living in the Netherlands having seen a cent of it.
BRIEF CONCLUSION: In its relentless colonial modus operandi to settle outstanding accounts, the State of the Netherlands has harmed its own former colony as much as all displaced families who have fled to the Netherlands. Including all protected Indonesian families whose fathers worked for the Dutch intelligence services. What neither the king nor the prime minister nor the members of the trade mission have foreseen: the lid has been lifted from the cesspool.
Verdi Phefferkorn von Offenbach (born 26 February 1922 and passed 1 January 2021), better known as ‘Paatje Phefferkorn’, is an Indo (Eurasian) practitioner of the Indonesian martial art Pencak Silat in the Netherlands. As one of its best known teachers he has played an important role in increasing the popularity of this Martial Art in the Netherlands and Europe.Paatje Phefferkorn is also the creator of the informal Indo flag and emblem.
In 1931 at the age of 10 Phefferkorn started practicing Pencak Silat in Bandung, the Dutch East Indies. He became a prodigy and only Indo student at the Javanese Pencak Silat school of teacher Mr. Sumanto who practiced the style of ‘Setia Hati’. For 7 years he trained with Sumanto on a daily basis.
When WWII broke out Phefferkorn enlisted as volunteer and became an air force armaments mechanic and air gunner. The aging Glenn Martin bombers at the secret airport of Samazinda where he was stationed were no match for the modern Japanese war machine and on 8 March 1942 he was made a POW. He managed to escape the Japanese prisoner camp and fled to the Preanger mountains where he joined other resistance fighters to engage the Japanese in a guerilla war. Despite the fact he was half Indonesian his blue eyes revealed he was not Javanese and he was caught during a razzia by the Kempeitai. Non of the other resistance fighters survived Japanese imprisonment. Phefferkorn barely survived himself and after Japan’s defeat in the war he only weighed 21 kilos.
Due to the revolutionary violence during the Bersiap period following Japan’s capitulation, he was initially unable to leave the prison camp, but was too frustrated with the fact that he had to be protected by Japanese guards that he stole weapons and escaped their protective custody. He survived the Bersiap period and vainly attempted to build a home for his family during the chaotic years of the Indonesian Revolution. In one of the last so called repatriation waves he left Indonesia for the Netherlands.
Penniless Phefferkorn arrived in the Netherlands with a family of 7 children and only continued the art of Pencak Silat for his personal training exercises. In 1967 he started a small school in the city of Utrecht. Soon he established a second school and in the end ran 17 schools throughout the Netherlands. He became part of the “Council Of Elders” advising the Dutch Pencak Silat union, BPSI (Bond Pencak Silat Indonesia). In 2013 he was officially inducted in the CBME’s National Dutch Hall of Fame for Martial Artists.
Phefferkorn is also known as the creator of the ‘Indo Melati’ flag and emblem. The flag represents communal pride and loyalty and overal peace and non-violence supported by signs of defensibility.
The two tilted ‘siku-siku’ (tridents) and the ‘golok’ (sword) represent Indo people as advocates and fighters in words and deeds.
The middle of the triangle is reserved for the ‘kembang melati’ (jasmine flower); the flower represents charm and beauty. This flower particularly symbolizes Indo women.
The star on top symbolizes the brightness during a dark night and people that shine when times call for it.
The symbol is enclosed by a ‘padi’ halm (young rice stalk) on the left and right side. This symbolizes prosperity and good fortune.
At the bottom the word INDO is written in gold coloured capital letters
The younger generation Indos have grown up abroad and although they are still interested in their Indo roots and history, they can’t read about it, because as far as we know, there are no Indo magazines in English available. Up until now.
When a few months ago Vivian Boon asked some of her acquaintances abroad what they would think about an English edition of Moesson, they all screamed: ‘Finally’ ! People are dying to read about their Indo heritage, they said, but cannot do it anywhere ?
So Vivian Boon is proud to present to you the first Moesson International. It will appear every three months and it will feature articles from the Dutch edition, but also publish original content written by and for Indos abroad. She does hope you will like it and that you will spread the word, because only with your support and your subscriptions she can keep on publishing this unique magazine.
Although, it’s not the first time that the Moesson magazine has gone ‘international’. In the 1960’s there used to be an American Tong Tong. Tjalie Robinson, founder of this magazine, published the American Tong Tong
from 1962-1965 while he and his family lived in the USA.
Tong-Tong and Moesson’s motto has always been ‘poekoel teroes’, which translates as ‘keep hitting’.
In the first edition of the American Tong Tong, Vivian’s grandfather closed his opening article with these words, which also fit Moesson International: ‘Tong- Tong’s motto ‘poekoel teroes’ will be particularly vigorous in the Land of Baseball and Burgers. The American Tong- Tong will hit many homeruns. This edition is the first. Here it goes ! If you’d like to subscribe please send an email to info@moesson.com